Theme
“Who they are: Israelis”
Ten million people, three main faiths, dozens of origins, and an argument about almost everything. This page describes who Israelis are, what they believe and why, in a way Israelis should recognise. It doesn't test arguments; the rest of the site does that.
The picture
Who they are
About ten million people: in April 2025 Israel's statistics bureau counted 10.094 million, of whom 7.73 million were Jews and 'Others' (76.6%), 2.11 million Arabs (20.9%: Muslims, Arab Christians and Druze) and about 250,000 foreigners. About 80% of Israeli Jews were born in the country. It is also a country of immigrants: more than 3.5 million have arrived since 1948, almost half of them since 1990. Jewish Israelis are roughly evenly split between Ashkenazi roots in Central and Eastern Europe and Sephardi or Mizrahi roots around the Mediterranean and the Middle East (Pew); a pro-Israel writer, Lyn Julius, puts Mizrahi Jews and their descendants at 'more than half of Israeli Jews today'. And it is young: about 27% are children under 15. Israeli Christians, about 1.9% of the population, are mostly Arab, and more likely than the average Israeli to go on to a university degree.
dataIsrael Central Bureau of Statistics, 'Israel's Independence Day 2025' (media release 134/2025, 29 April 2025) ✓
Read via fetchsrc, 2026-10-10. 'the population of Israel was 10.094 million: 7.732 million Jews and Others (76.6%), 2.114 million Arabs (20.9%), 248,000 Foreigners (2.5%)'; 'Arabs: Moslems, Arab Christians and Druze'; 'Others' are mainly immigrants under the Law of Return 'not defined as Jews in the Population Register'; 'Since the State's establishment, over 3.5 million immigrants have arrived in Israel. Of these, about 1.66 million (47.6%) have arrived since 1990'; 'About 80% of the Jews in Israel are Sabras (born in Israel)'; about 27% are aged 0–14; population at the founding 806,000.
dataPew Research Center, 'Israel's Religiously Divided Society' (8 March 2016) (2016) ✓
Read via fetchsrc (2026-09-28). 5,601 face-to-face interviews, Oct 2014 – May 2015. 'Israeli Jews are roughly evenly divided between two types of ethnic identity: Ashkenazi Jews (with ancestral roots in Central and Eastern Europe) and Sephardi or Mizrahi Jews (with roots mostly in Spain, elsewhere around the Mediterranean or the Middle East).' Also: asked whether 'Arabs should be expelled or transferred from Israel', Israeli Jews 'strongly agree (21%) or agree (27%), while a similar share disagree (29%) or strongly disagree (17%)'; 'Roughly seven-in-ten (71%)' of Datiim agree, 'Most (58%)' of Hilonim disagree (re-read 2026-09-30). Also read 2026-10-10: 'About nine-in-ten Haredim (91%), eight-in-ten Datiim (80%) and roughly six-in-ten Masortim (59%) consider themselves Jewish first, while about six-in-ten Hilonim (59%) take the opposite position, saying they see themselves as Israeli first'; if halakha and democratic principles conflict, '89% of Haredim say halakha should be given preference', while 'among Hilonim, an equally lopsided share (89%) say the state should give preference to democratic principles'; 'The vast majority of Jews (98%), Muslims (85%), Christians (86%) and Druze (83%) say all or most of their close friends belong to their own religious community.'
advocacy / viewLyn Julius, 'The distorted "nakba" narrative', JNS (opinion, 25 July 2023) (2023) ✓
Read t1680. 'the Jewish nakba. The latter was the expulsion of 870,000 Mizrahi Jews from Arab and Muslim countries. The two nakbas took place around the same time and in roughly similar numbers. In effect, it was a population exchange'; Mizrahi Jews and descendants 'more than half of Israeli Jews today'; they 'do not have the ability, legal right or desire to return'. Opens with Diaspora Minister Amichai Chikli's remarks on the nakba; the column's subhead reads 'Comparisons to the Holocaust are misleading and appalling'. Author's byline (as recorded when the book card was made): author of Uprooted (Vallentine Mitchell, 2018); the book itself is not read.
dataIsrael Central Bureau of Statistics, 'Christmas 2025 – Christians in Israel', media release 413/2025 (24 December 2025) (2025) ✓
Read via fetchsrc (2026-09-28). 'approximately 184,200 Christians live in Israel; they comprise about 1.9% of the State of Israel's population. The Christian population grew by 0.7% in 2024.' 78.7% Arab Christians (6.8% of Israel's Arab population); largest communities Nazareth 18,900, Haifa 18,800, Jerusalem 13,400, Nof HaGalil 10,800. Total fertility 2024: Christian women 1.61, Arab Christian women 1.48. 52.6% of Arab Christians (30.3% of non-Arab Christians) went on to a first degree within eight years of high school, vs 34.4% in Arab education overall and 47.3% in Hebrew education. Estimate excludes foreigners not in the Population Register.
Many Israels, not one
Jewish Israelis describe themselves along a religious scale with four common labels: Haredi (ultra-Orthodox), Dati (religious), Masorti (traditional) and Hiloni (secular). The differences are large. If Jewish law and democracy conflict, 89% of Haredim want Jewish law to win, and 89% of Hilonim want democracy to win; nine in ten Haredim feel Jewish first, while six in ten Hilonim feel Israeli first (Pew, 2014–15). Arab citizens are a fifth of the country; in 2023 about 70% said they felt part of the state and its problems, and after 7 October their sense of belonging rose further (Israel Democracy Institute). Most Israelis of every faith say their close friends come from their own community (Pew): it is a country of neighbouring worlds that meet at work, in the army, in hospitals and in politics.
dataPew Research Center, 'Israel's Religiously Divided Society' (8 March 2016) (2016) ✓
Read via fetchsrc (2026-09-28). 5,601 face-to-face interviews, Oct 2014 – May 2015. 'Israeli Jews are roughly evenly divided between two types of ethnic identity: Ashkenazi Jews (with ancestral roots in Central and Eastern Europe) and Sephardi or Mizrahi Jews (with roots mostly in Spain, elsewhere around the Mediterranean or the Middle East).' Also: asked whether 'Arabs should be expelled or transferred from Israel', Israeli Jews 'strongly agree (21%) or agree (27%), while a similar share disagree (29%) or strongly disagree (17%)'; 'Roughly seven-in-ten (71%)' of Datiim agree, 'Most (58%)' of Hilonim disagree (re-read 2026-09-30). Also read 2026-10-10: 'About nine-in-ten Haredim (91%), eight-in-ten Datiim (80%) and roughly six-in-ten Masortim (59%) consider themselves Jewish first, while about six-in-ten Hilonim (59%) take the opposite position, saying they see themselves as Israeli first'; if halakha and democratic principles conflict, '89% of Haredim say halakha should be given preference', while 'among Hilonim, an equally lopsided share (89%) say the state should give preference to democratic principles'; 'The vast majority of Jews (98%), Muslims (85%), Christians (86%) and Druze (83%) say all or most of their close friends belong to their own religious community.'
dataIsrael Democracy Institute, 'On a tightrope: Israel's Arab citizens and the War Between Israel and Hamas' and 'The Israeli Democracy Index 2023' (press release, 14 March 2024) (2023) ✓
Read 1 Oct 2026. 'in a recent Israel Democracy Institute poll, about 70% of Arab Israelis say they feel a part of the State of Israel and its problems'. Democracy Index 2023 (https://en.idi.org.il/articles/53380): 'After October 7, ratings of the level of solidarity in Israeli society as a whole improved dramatically in both the Jewish and Arab publics, as did the sense of belonging to the State of Israel'; 'tensions between Arabs and Jews were ranked highest by Arab respondents in both rounds'; in the Arab public 'the Supreme Court topped the trust rankings'.
What they believe
There is no single Israeli view, and Israelis argue with each other loudly. A few anchors: the founding declaration promises 'complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion, race or sex'. On peace, support for two states among Israeli Jews fell to 21% in July 2024, 'the lowest since comparable questions were asked in the early 1990s'; 14% backed one democratic state with equal rights (Palestinian-Israeli Pulse). Harder views exist too, and in proportion: in 2014–15 nearly half of Jewish Israelis (48%) agreed that Arabs should be 'expelled or transferred', while 46% disagreed; the view divided sharply by religiosity (Pew). After 7 October, Jews and Arabs alike reported a jump in solidarity and in their sense of belonging (Israel Democracy Institute), while Arab citizens' trust in the security forces stayed far below Jewish citizens' (27% against 64% in May 2024).
primary documentDeclaration of the Establishment of the State of Israel (1948) ✓
Includes 'complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion, race or sex'.
dataPCPSR / Tami Steinmetz Center, The Palestine/Israel Pulse, joint poll (September 2024) (2024) ✓
Palestinian-Israeli Pulse, joint poll, July 2024 (read): one democratic state with equal rights — Palestinians 25%, Israeli Jews 14%; two states — Palestinians 40%, Israeli Jews 21%, 'the lowest since comparable questions were asked in the early 1990s'.
dataPew Research Center, 'Israel's Religiously Divided Society' (8 March 2016) (2016) ✓
Read via fetchsrc (2026-09-28). 5,601 face-to-face interviews, Oct 2014 – May 2015. 'Israeli Jews are roughly evenly divided between two types of ethnic identity: Ashkenazi Jews (with ancestral roots in Central and Eastern Europe) and Sephardi or Mizrahi Jews (with roots mostly in Spain, elsewhere around the Mediterranean or the Middle East).' Also: asked whether 'Arabs should be expelled or transferred from Israel', Israeli Jews 'strongly agree (21%) or agree (27%), while a similar share disagree (29%) or strongly disagree (17%)'; 'Roughly seven-in-ten (71%)' of Datiim agree, 'Most (58%)' of Hilonim disagree (re-read 2026-09-30). Also read 2026-10-10: 'About nine-in-ten Haredim (91%), eight-in-ten Datiim (80%) and roughly six-in-ten Masortim (59%) consider themselves Jewish first, while about six-in-ten Hilonim (59%) take the opposite position, saying they see themselves as Israeli first'; if halakha and democratic principles conflict, '89% of Haredim say halakha should be given preference', while 'among Hilonim, an equally lopsided share (89%) say the state should give preference to democratic principles'; 'The vast majority of Jews (98%), Muslims (85%), Christians (86%) and Druze (83%) say all or most of their close friends belong to their own religious community.'
dataIsrael Democracy Institute, 'On a tightrope: Israel's Arab citizens and the War Between Israel and Hamas' and 'The Israeli Democracy Index 2023' (press release, 14 March 2024) (2023) ✓
Read 1 Oct 2026. 'in a recent Israel Democracy Institute poll, about 70% of Arab Israelis say they feel a part of the State of Israel and its problems'. Democracy Index 2023 (https://en.idi.org.il/articles/53380): 'After October 7, ratings of the level of solidarity in Israeli society as a whole improved dramatically in both the Jewish and Arab publics, as did the sense of belonging to the State of Israel'; 'tensions between Arabs and Jews were ranked highest by Arab respondents in both rounds'; in the Arab public 'the Supreme Court topped the trust rankings'.
dataIsrael Democracy Institute, 'The Israel Democracy Institute Publishes its 2024 Israeli Democracy Index' (2024) ✓
Read via fetchsrc (2026-09-28): 'a large majority of Jews and a small majority of Arabs feel a sense of belonging to the State of Israel and its challenges'; relying on fellow Israelis in a crisis, Arabs 39% (2022) → 62%; trust in security forces, Jews 64.3%, Arabs 26.8% (May 2024); about two-thirds of Arabs report a low sense of personal security; 59% of Arabs pessimistic about the country's future; 77.5% of Arabs believe democratic governance is under threat.
Why: the history they carry
Many Israeli families arrived because there was nowhere else to go. In 1938, at the Evian conference, 32 countries expressed sympathy for Jews fleeing Nazi persecution, and most refused to take more refugees. Others came from Arab and Muslim countries after 1948, as their communities there came to an end (see the page on Jews in Arab lands). That shared memory, of having been unwanted, is why a state where Jews are not a minority feels to many Israelis not like a preference but like a safeguard (see 'Jews can only be safe as a majority'). On 7 October 2023 Hamas-led attackers 'killed about 1,200 people, mostly civilians, and took about 240 hostages' (AP),; that day is the background against which Israelis hear the arguments on this site (see 'Everyone knows what happened').
historyUS Holocaust Memorial Museum, Holocaust Encyclopedia, 'The Evian Conference' ✓
Read 2026-10-01 (t1780). 'In July 1938, delegates from 32 countries met in Evian, France … The delegates expressed sympathy for the Jews who were seeking to flee Nazi persecution. Most countries, however, refused to admit more refugees.' Outcomes: 'With the exception of the tiny Dominican Republic, no country was willing to accept more refugees. However, one result of the conference was the establishment of the Intergovernmental Committee on Refugees (ICR)'. Caption: the St. Louis in 1939 'carried Jewish refugees seeking temporary refuge in Cuba. It was forced to return to Europe after Cuba refused to allow the refugees entry into the country.' The Wagner-Rogers bill to admit 20,000 refugee children 'was not supported by the Senate in 1939 and 1940'.
pressAP (via PBS NewsHour), 'Videos of Israeli soldiers acting maliciously emerge amid international outcry against tactics in Gaza' (13 December 2023) (2023) ✓
Read t1993. Videos apparently uploaded by soldiers: ransacking a toy store, trying to burn food and water supplies, prayer rugs moved into a bathroom, a dance with the chant ‘there are no people who are uninvolved’ (AP verified backgrounds, uniforms and language). The army ‘pledged to take disciplinary action in what it says are a handful of isolated cases’; spokesman Daniel Hagari: ‘In any event that does not align with IDF values, command and disciplinary steps will be taken’. B’Tselem’s Dror Sadot: ‘The dehumanization from the top is very much sinking down to the soldiers’. Yinon Magal, who posted the dance video, defended it and condemned the toy-store video. The article also notes the U.S. and other militaries have had similar videos, and Hamas’s hostage and 7 October bodycam videos. The article's background lines (read t2034 re-check, 2026-10-10): Hamas militants 'killed about 1,200 people, mostly civilians, and took about 240 hostages'; 'About 90 percent of Gaza's 2.3 million people have been displaced'.
What they're tired of hearing
That Israelis are all settlers, all colonisers from Europe, or all of one mind (see 'Settler colonialism', 'Palestinians are recent immigrants' for the mirror charge, and 'Israel is an ethnostate'). That the army is a terrorist army (see 'The IDF is a terrorist army'). That 'Zionist' is a slur rather than the word many of them use for their own belief in the country (see 'Zionists are the modern Nazis'). And, from some of their supporters abroad, that their own fierce internal arguments are disloyalty. Each of those pages tests the charge, and the defence, against the sources.